By SARAH CHILDRESS
NYAMPEGO, Democratic Republic of Congo -- The Congolese army has routed guerrillas from mines across the country's east in recent months, shifting control of a handful of mines to the military from ethnic rebel fighters.
Human-rights advocates and mineral-industry groups say the military may now be trying to consolidate its own power over Congo's rich mineral mines, with little ability to improve conditions for the thousands of miners scraping a living from the trade. Some groups accusing the military of complicity in mining and trading so-called blood minerals -- those mined amid violence, sold to fund conflict, or both.
"As long as the region remains so militarized, even more now with these operations, it's very likely that the minerals are very directly profiting -- if not [militia groups] -- then the army itself," says Carina Tertsakian, a researcher for London-based Global Witness, an independent advocacy group.
"The national army doesn't occupy any mines, because they are busy tracking the FDLR," the dominant armed rebel group, says Colette Mikila Embenako, mining minister for the eastern province of South Kivu.
Col. Kahimbi Delphin, commander of operations in South Kivu province, says the military isn't profiting from mining.
During a recent visit to one cassiterite mine in Nyampego, a tiny village in South Kivu, tall, lanky Congolese soldiers patrolled the mine or lazed on the mountaintop, machine guns slung over their shoulders.
Cassiterite, a tin ore, is one of the most valuable minerals currently hauled from Congo's pits. It is used to make components of cellphones, computers and electronics. Congo produces a fraction -- about 4% -- of the global supply of cassiterite; amid loose regulation, it's difficult to know how much is mined legitimately.
That has left any company using Congolese cassiterite open to criticism. ITRI, an international tin-industry group, says that instead of making it easier for companies to operate in Congo's cassiterite trade, the recent military takeover is adding to the difficulty of determining whether the mineral is being mined legally and humanely. Kay Nimmo, manager of sustainability and regulatory affairs at ITRI, says rapidly changing conditions on the ground make it impossible to determine whether rights violations are occurring.
In Nyampego, along the roadside, men in uniform harassed women who were walking by and demanded money from locals for food and beer. Miners say the soldiers in Nyampego require that they pay a "security tax" equivalent to about $10 a week.
The military denies that it imposes a security tax on miners.
Col. Delphin, the South Kivu commander, said the military has no plans to permanently occupy mines taken from militants. He said he will investigate any allegations of wrongdoing. "The military command will never allow whatsoever the practice of exploiting the miners," Col. Delphin added.
Mining is the only real source of income for the people here, but it is grueling work. Some miners don't get a chance to bathe for weeks, they say, because they sleep below the surface. Some of their pants are so badly ripped they wear two pairs to cover the holes. Only the lucky have shoes.
The Congolese army drove out the FDLR fighters in August, raising hopes among workers that conditions would improve. Instead, miners say, the military imposed its own tax -- double what the militants had charged.
Working conditions haven't changed, miners say. Still, the miners, who now work under the watchful eyes of soldiers, say the military hasn't threatened violence as the FDLR once did.
"The only thing that brings us here to work is our family," says 25-year-old Alphonse Buhendwa, his skin, hair and clothing all stained orange from the earth. "If an army says to work for them, we will do it."
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A10
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